By now, Malaysians would be familiar with the twists and turns of the nation’s politics.
Initially, it was UMNO-BN against Pakatan Rakyat, with the latter comprising DAP, PKR, and PAS. Then, it was rebranded as Pakatan Harapan, with PAS exiting the then-opposition coalition, and BERSATU and AMANAH taking its place.
After Pakatan Harapan won GE14, the exit of BERSATU and renegades from PKR triggered the coalition’s collapse.
Perikatan Nasional swooped in and became the federal government, built on the support of PAS, UMNO, and the two former Pakatan factions, along with the backing of GPS and Sabah-based parties.
However, when the election was called, UMNO snubbed PAS and BERSATU and, in a sharp turn, joined forces with their once-sworn enemy, Pakatan, to form the current federal government.
The current government is also backed by GPS and Sabah-based parties, with the former playing the role of kingmaker.
Now, a fresh twist has emerged. The issue surrounding the pardon of the former prime minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, has come to the forefront.
Nearly a year ago, Najib was granted a partial pardon, which halved his prison sentence and reduced his RM210 million fine to just RM50 million.
However, this situation is not clear-cut as doubts persist over a supplementary decree reportedly ordering Najib’s sentence to be served at home, issued by the then Yang di-Pertuan Agong.
For the most part of the year, the federal government has failed to provide answers to the questions posed to them: Was there a royal addendum?
Najib’s camp claims the existence of such an addendum supported by several UMNO leaders who signed affidavits to testify to its validity. Among them were UMNO president and Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, along with UMNO vice-president and Pahang MB Datuk Seri Wan Rosdy Wan Ismail.
Last month, Najib’s son, Mohd Nizar, filed an affidavit affirming that the former Yang di-Pertuan Agong and current Pahang Sultan informed him about the existence of the royal addendum.
This brings us to the current situation, where a rally is planned for Jan 6 in solidarity with the incarcerated former prime minister.
In a surprising move, PAS has announced its participation in the rally alongside UMNO, marking the first time that the duo will be working together since their alliance ended in 2022.
This move has caused unease, particularly within Pakatan, with former DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng criticizing UMNO’s collaboration with PAS and questioning the former’s sincerity in the federal government.
In response, Zahid stated that UMNO will proceed with PAS at the rally, suggesting that Guan Eng’s influence within DAP has waned and that he should trust the current party leadership.
The potential for PAS and UMNO to evolve their collaboration at the rally into another political realignment remains uncertain, but it underscores UMNO’s current relationship with Pakatan parties.
The so-called “Zafrul Move” has been a contentious issue recently with PKR attempting to recruit Datuk Seri Tengku Zafrul Aziz from UMNO.
Zafrul had previously expressed disillusionment with the UMNO leadership, resigning as Selangor UMNO treasurer in April last year.
UMNO interpreted this move as a message from PKR and the prime minister that the party could act independently.
UMNO leaders hastily drew parallels between PKR and UMNO’s rival BERSATU, which had recruited several UMNO leaders into its ranks some years ago.
In my opinion, the rally with PAS serves as a means for Zahid to demonstrate to Pakatan parties and the prime minister that he holds influence and could potentially exit the current coalition, thereby causing a collapse in Putrajaya.
Nevertheless, the rally offers an opportunity not only for Zahid but also for PAS to exert pressure on the federal government, positioning both parties as advocates for the rule of law and respect for royal institutions.
It has been observed that UMNO excels in achieving its goals. As divisions surface within the federal government coalition, the crucial question arises: Do these divisions warrant a reassessment and potential realignment?
The views expressed here are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of the Sarawak Tribune.
